Table of Contents for the John Hann Collection of Colonial Records
Compiled by Jaylyn Pruitt (1-100) and Austin Light (101-186)
#1 ANTONIO MATHEOS DOCUMENTS: Phase I (Spring 1687) 61 pp.
The Matheos documents focus on encounters of the Spanish with their English and French rivals for influence among the natives of the southeastern hinterland beyond the territory of the established missions and the contest for control of the extensive Gulf coast. The Matheos documents, like the visitation records, are a premier source of information on Apalachee in general and on San Luis in particular, pertaining both to internal matters and to relations with the world beyond Apalachee’s borders. Phases I and II of this documentation consist essentially of testimony from two inquiries launched shortly after Governor Juan Márquez Cabrera went AWOL in the spring of 1687, temporarily abandoning his duties in a fit of pique arising from his feud with Florida’s clerics, secular and religious, and the antagonism he had aroused among many Floridians of Spanish descent. Phase I consists primarily of documentation from the inquiries of 1687.
#2 ANTONIO MATHEOS DOCUMENTS: Phase II (1686-1688) 115 pp.
The Matheos documents focus on encounters of the Spanish with their English and French rivals for influence among the natives of the southeastern hinterland beyond the territory of the established missions and the contest for control of the extensive Gulf coast. The Matheos documents, like the visitation records, are a premier source of information on Apalachee in general and on San Luis in particular, pertaining both to internal matters and to relations with the world beyond Apalachee’s borders. Phases I and II of this documentation consist essentially of testimony from two inquiries launched shortly after Governor Juan Márquez Cabrera went AWOL in the spring of 1687, temporarily abandoning his duties in a fit of pique arising from his feud with Florida’s clerics, secular and religious, and the antagonism he had aroused among many Floridians of Spanish descent. Phase II consists of a response by Matheos to accusations along with more documentation from the litigation between Matheos and Pedro de Aranda y Avellaneda.
#3 ANTONIO MATHEOS DOCUMENTS: Phase III & Indices, pp. 1-57 148 pp.
Phase IV, pp. 58-92
Phase V, pp. 93-129
Notes & footnotes, pp. 130-148
All 5 phases are in the first notebook.
The principal focus of this documentation is Antonio Matheos’s first two expeditions into the Apalachicola country in a futile attempt to capture English traders from Charles Town, South Carolina who appeared in the Chattahoochee River Towns in 1685. A principal element in this collection consists of reports by Matheos to the governor under whom he served on his experiences and procedures during the first two expeditions, two of them written in the field from Casista and Caueta and two written from San Luis after his return from each of the expeditions. A fifth report is one that he wrote from Bacuqua on the day after Christmas, 1685 as he was embarking on the second expedition. The final section of Phase III includes a letter by Márquez Cabrera to the viceroy in March 1686 about failure to recruit Cuban clergy for a mission among the Calusa. Another letter to the viceroy details an attack by Guale Indians on Lord Cardross’s settlement. Another major piece concerns Cabrera’s indictment for failure to listen to Apalachee Indian leaders’ complaints of abuse written by Florida’s treasury officials. The collections closes with a reaction to the indictment by the Council of the Indies. This collection is particularly valuable for the light it throws on the location of the Apalachicola towns vis-a-vis one another, the political relationship between the province’s two leading chiefs, the chiefs of Caueta and Apalachicola, Matheos’s actions during his two expeditions to the Apalachicola country, linguistic relationships among the natives, the Spaniards’ employment of Apalachee, Tama-Yamasee, and Sauocola to spy on the Apalachicola, details on the location of two palisades the Apalachicola began to build at the instigation of the English, and Spanish contacts with Upper Creek and Tawasa.
#4 ANTONIO MATHEOS DOCUMENTS: Apalachicola, Phase VI 201 pp.
The translations from Phase IV focus on the activities of Antonio Matheos and Spanish contact with Apalachicola from 1680 to 1707, with most of the collection’s materials falling between 1680 and 1698. A variety of topics are discussed within these translations, including friars’ abuse of the Apalachee, piratical activity in Spanish Florida, data on soldiers, Mayaca missions, demise of last missions, the Apalachee paramount’s request to end a labor draft, construction of St. Augustine’s fort, coquina quarries, and completion of the fort at San Luis. The documents also include writings about Apalachicola hostility and correspondence between the governors of Florida and South Carolina about the issue. The collection also includes a number of letters from Pablo de Hita Salazar about Apalachicola missions, withdrawal from Apalachicola territory by friars, and English attacks. The collection includes an account of the rescue of Jonathan Dickinson’s party.
#5 DE SOTO PROJECT – De Soto Narratives for Apalachee Region
- – Intro. – “Pánfilo de Narváez & H. de Soto in Apalachee” 21 pp.
- – Trans. – Gentleman of Elvas: Ocale to Toalli 16 pp.
- – Trans. – Rodrigo Ranjel: Ocale to Cofaqui 16 pp.
- – Trans. – Biedma: arrival at Bayahonda to Cofaqui 8 pp.
- – Trans. – G. de la Vega: Ocali to Altapaha 109 pp.
- – Trans. – Pánfilo de Narváez: experiences in Florida 47 pp.
The De Soto Project begins with an introduction by Hann to the reader about the difficulty of complete accuracy within translation, along with some of the liberties taken by previous translators of these documents. Within this collection, Hann has translated the Apalachee section of the account of Hidalgo de Elvas about the exploration of Florida by De Soto and the Portuguese, and the Apalachee section of the de Soto expedition from Rodrigo Ranjel’s account. Hann also gives a translation of the first portion of the Biedma account, written by Luys Hernandez de Biedma about De Soto’s travels and characteristics of the land explored. The final translation is of the Apalachee section of the Inca’s account, written by the Inca Garcilaso de la Vega about the Florida of the Inca.
#6 FERNANDO DE VALDÉS INQUIRY (1602) 191 pp.
These translations cover an inquiry by Fernando de Valdés into the viability of the St. Augustine settlement and Florida missions, written in 1602. The King dispatched the governor of Cuba, Pedro de Valdés, to investigate Florida’s potential as a colony and he sent his son, Fernando de Valdés, to find the requested information about Florida’s production capabilities and the Indian population. The translations include interviews with soldiers, friars, and one civilian, giving background information about themselves and information about Indian religion and conversion. The reports also detail production of foodstuffs, availability of metals, and ports and navigation in Florida. Hann notes that an interesting feature of this collection concerns maize production. This source does not include the entirety of Valdés’ inquiry.
#7 JUANA CATHALINA DE FLORENCIA DOCUMENT OF 1709 101 pp.
The document provides much information on members of the Florencia family resident in Apalachee in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries and on their forebears who arrived in Florida in the sixteenth century. It identifies the relationship of various Apalachee Florencias to one another as well as indicating other Spaniards in Apalachee who were related to the Florencias by blood or marriage ties. The document also provides new information also on architectural structures at San Luis and the vicissitudes they suffered in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. The document adds significantly to our knowledge of Spanish ranching and farming activities in Apalachee, meat products produced, and trade in cattle and cattle products with Pansacola. It provides data on San Luis in the 1640s, the 1647 Apalachee revolt; Apalachee’s role in the lifting of the British siege of St. Augustine in 1702; Colonel James Moore’s 1704 attack on Apalachee and Moore’s futile attempts to trade his Spanish soldier-prisoners to Captain Jacinto Roque Pérez, in command of the fort at San Luis, in exchange for Apalachee’s Chacato Indians or for money.
#8 CREEK VISIT TO ST. AUGUSTINE IN 1717 AND JOSEPH PRIMO DE RIVERA’S 1717 CENSUS OF INDIAN VILLAGES 38 pp.
These translations include a detailed census native settlements near St. Augustine from April 1717 by Joseph Primo de Rivera after its expansion following a native immigration wave. The next section of translations describes a visit to St. Augustine around the time of the census by 157 Creek natives to pledges of obedience and friendship toward the Spanish monarch.
#9 DEMISE OF POTANO (1706) 17 pp.
The translations here deal with the “Demise of Potano,” a Florida tribe. The collection includes correspondence by Francisco de Córcoles y Martínez to the King and Andrés Garzia, lieutenant of Timucua, as well as journals by Córcoles y Martínez about the situation in Potano.
#10 APALACHEE, PENSACOLA, AND THE FRENCH (1704-1705) 5 pp.
Translation of a letter from May 26, 1705 in which the latest news from Pensacola and Apalachee is detailed from the Junta de Guerra. The authors of the document are unknown, but two sets of scribbled initials are given at the bottom of the letter.
#11 THE NATIVE VILLAGE CENSUS OF 1711 18 pp.
This census was taken in late 1710 by the friars responsible for the native villages near St. Augustine. The data comes from eight villages: San Luis de Talimali, Santa Catharina de Guale, Santo Thomás de Santa Fée, Salamototo, San Juan del Puerto, Nombre de Dios, Tolomato, and a settlement referred to as being composed “of Indians of the Coast (de la Costa),” likely a village of Ais. Hann notes that the census gives particular insight into native naming practices. The census also details ratios of men, women, and children within each settlement and, in some cases, the language spoken within each settlement.
#12 THE QUIÑONES-CARAVAJAL PIECE (1719-1721) 34 pp.
Although this piece’s contents date from the years 1719 and 1721, the principal focus of the testimony it contains is the unrest and dissatisfaction among Apalachee’s Indians in the years immediately preceding the 1704 destruction of the Apalachee missions. It presents a far different portrait of the Florencia clique living in Apalachee than does the 1709 Juana Cathalina petition. It provides an explanation for the strong recommendation made by the secular priest, Alonso de Leturiondo, that the only solution to the Spanish settlers’ mistreatment of the Indians in Apalachee was to expel all the Spanish families from the province and to prohibit the soldiers stationed there from engaging in farming and commerce, leaving such enterprise to the Indians. Jacinto Roque Pérez and his wife Juana Cathalina de Florencia in particular are singled out for criticism.
#13 THE SURRUQUE AND AIS (1605) 53 pp.
The Indians of Florida’s Atlantic Coast south of St. Augustine are among the least known of Florida’s aboriginal peoples during the First Spanish Period. The only significant published accounts of European contact with those peoples are those stemming from Pedro Menéndez de Avilés’s fleeting contacts with them in 1565, Alvaro Mexía’s 1605 derrotero or rutter, and Jonathan Dickinson’s account of his experiences with various of those natives after being shipwrecked on south Florida’s coast in 1696. The major reason for this lack of knowledge is the absence of substantial documentation from the meager and intermittent Spanish contacts with those peoples. For the 1605 period, however, there is fairly substantial documentation in addition to the Mexía derrotero. The following pages present translations of that documentation in addition to my translation of the Mexía derrotero.
#14 G. DÍAS VARA CALDERÓN 1675 TO THE QUEEN 10 pp.
Spanish transcription of the 1675 letter to the Queen by Bishop Gabriel Díaz Vara Calderón about Florida’s natives.
#15 TROIKA (1602): THREE FRANCISCAN LETTERS 31 pp.
When I first made this translation about twelve years ago from transcriptions I had found in the Woodbury Lowery Collection, it contained only translations of letters written on orders by Fray Baltasar López of the San Pedro Mocama mission and Fray Francisco de Pareja of the San Juan del Puerto mission. But the Lowery transcriptions included a third letter by Fray Pedro Ruiz. For that reason I chose the title, Troika as a mnemonic device reflective of those three closely related persons, who had written these letters in mid-September of 1602 as a contribution to the investigation then being conducted by Fernando de Valdés.
#16 1606 EPISCOPAL VISITATION OF FLORIDA 13 pp.
Report about the pastoral visitation that the Bishop of Cuba made to the Provinces of Florida presented to the King in the Council of the Indies.
#17—20 CONTROVERSY BETWEEN GOVERNOR MARQUEZ CABRERA AND FRANCISCAN FRIARS OVER OPERATION OF THE MISSIONS, 1680-1681 231 pp.
This is a particularly important document in that it serves as a capstone, as it were, to the controversy generated by Governor Márquez Cabrera’s criticism of the friars’ treatment of the Indians and especially their ordering of corporal punishment of their charges for actions that were not within their jurisdiction to punish; their forcing of the Indians to plant a field of maize and one of wheat for the support of their church and the feeding of the friars, and their use of the Indians as beasts of burden for the transport of the supplies that the friars received under the situado without paying the Indian bearers for their labor.
#21 CATECHISM & BRIEF EXPOSITION OF THE CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE CODEX A 94 pp.
This is a translation of the Spanish text of one of Fray Francisco de Pareja’s catechisms written in Spanish and Timucua. It is the one that John R. Swanton designated as Codex A. This copy was made from a copy held by the National Anthropological Archives of the Smithsonian Museum and bears notes and line number notations presumably made by Swanton during his long years of study of the Timucua language based largely on the writings of Pareja in and about that language. The following is the Spanish title of this catechism. Catechismo Y Breve Exposicion De La Doctrina Christiana. Muy vtil y necessaria, asi para los Españoles, como para los Naturales, en Lengua Castellana, y Timuquana, en modo de preguntas, respuestas. Cõpuesto por el P. F. Francisco Pareja de la Orden de N. Seráphico P. S. Frãcisco, Padre dela Custodia de S. Elena de la Florida. The following is an English translation of that title. Catechism and Brief Exposition of the Christian Doctrine, Very Useful and Necessary, Alike for Spaniards as Well as Natives ,in the Castilian and Timucuan Language, in the Manner of Questions and Replies. Composed by the Father Fray Francisco Pareja of the Order of Our Seraphic Father St. Francis, Father of the Custodia of Santa Elena of Florida. This catechism is one of two that Pareja published in Mexico in 1612.
#22 IN SEARCH OF ACHE 15 pp.
This piece from the year 1697 is the one in which Fr. Alonso de Leturiondo mentioned going out into water up to his knees in his search for ache. The piece assumes importance also for the light it sheds on Diego de Florencia’s commercial activity, the Florencias’ ties to the Hita Salazar family, their links with Governor Laureano de Torres y Ayala in the 1690s, and the family’s web of connections within the Florida treasury apparatus.
#23 APALACHEE LEADERS’ REPORT ON THEIR 1677 EXPEDITION AGAINST THE CHISCA 12 pp.
The document presented here is the report that the Apalachee leaders of the anti-Chisca expedition made to the deputy governor Juan Fernández de Florencia on their return from the expedition. Fernández de Florencia wrote down their report in the Apalachee language in which it was made. Only a year later did he translate it into Spanish to send it to the governor. To date the Apalachee version of that report has not been located.
#24 THE FRAY ALONSO DE JESÚS PETITION OF 1630 22 pp.
This document is the petition by Fray Francisco Alonso de Jesús. Fray Alonso’s 1630 petition sheds some scintilla of knowledge about the missions founded during this period, about the sacrifices made by the friars, about the burdens imposed on the natives by the friars’ presence in their midst in the remote interior of Yustaga and Utina, and about the reasons for the protracted deferral of the sending of friars to Apalachee, Tama, Escamacu, and Santa Elena despite those peoples’ constant requests for friars.
#25 HOLY SPIRIT BAY EXPEDITION (1687) 26 pp.
The first enclosure contains the governor’s orders and instructions for the Holy Spirit Bay mission issued on February 28, 1687. The next several enclosures record his consultation with the treasury officials about this mission, their objections to the mission because the expenditures it involved were not authorized, and that the mission had been made superfluous by a commission given to Martín de Echagaray in 1685 to search for the same bay. The last of the enclosures dealing with this expedition contains the governor’s auto of February 20, 1687 announcing his decision to go forward with it despite the treasury officials’ objections. This appears to be among the last items to which the governor turned his attention before deserting his post. Because of Márquez Cabrera’s flight and the succeeding interim government’s nullification of the orders for the expedition and its deposition of Matheos, the expedition did not take place. But this documentation is no less valuable despite this denouement. The second to last enclosure contains a copy of a letter Cabrera addressed to the King on June 14, 1681 discussing the Florida garrisons and the diversion of many of the allotted soldiers’ positions to support widows and orphans and superannuated soldiers. In that letter he also suggested settling Canary Islanders on St. Catherines Island to counter the English threat to the area. The final enclosure is a letter that Cabrera apparently wrote to the King on February 8, 1687 discussing the fate of the expedition led by Alexander Thomás de León whom the governor had sent to oust the Scots who had settled at Santa Elena. To remedy that disastrous attempt, Cabrera reported that he had just dispatched a second expedition led by Francisco de Fuentes that was to be backed by an 800 man Indian land force consisting largely of Apalachee.
#26 TAMA AND THE HINTERLAND BEHIND SANTA ELENA 1600 35 pp.
This is one of a number of fragments of documents from the end of the sixteenth century and beginning of the seventeenth that shed light on the sixteenth and seventeenth century peoples of central Georgia identified as the Tama, some of whose descendants settled in the vicinity of Apalachee’s San Luis de Talimali by 1675 and in the vicinity of St. Augustine in the wake of the Yamasee War of 1715. The Tama are one of the many peoples belonging to the general group identified as Yamasee. Also included is a translation of the testimony of a number of witnesses concerning Tama and the hinterland west and northwest of Santa Elena taken in February of 1600 at the behest of Governor Gonzalo Méndez de Canzo as part of the latter’s effort to convince the King of the advisability of further exploration of this region traversed by De Soto in the early 1540’s and by Juan de Pardo in the mid-1560’s. The documents are found in Manuel Serrano y Sanz’ Documentos históricos de la Florida y la Luisiana siglos XVI al XVIII, pp. 135-159. Inasmuch as the first section of these documents contains material extraneous to this topic, such as an accounting of the names and villages of twenty-two Indian chiefs who had just visited the governor of Florida to pledge their obedience to the King of Spain only extracts from this section that are pertinent to the later testimony will be presented here.
#27 FRIARS OF APALACHEE (1679-1680) 12 pp.
Listing of friars and missions of Apalachee.
#28 INITIAL SPANISH REACTION TO THE 1597 GUALE REVOLT 43 pp.
This translation consists of two assemblies of pieces. The first brief one begins with a letter that Fray Pedro Fernándes de Chozas, who was stationed at the mission of Puturiba on the northern end of Cumberland Island reporting on an abortive Guale attack on the village of San Pedro in 1597 and the boasts of the attackers that they had killed five of the six friars then worKing in Guale. The few pages that immediately follow the letter provide information on the steps that the governor took immediately to deal with this crisis up to his departure for the village of San Pedro on Cumberland Island. The second assemblage consists of a number of distinct parts containing, for the most part, documentation generated during the governor’s visit to San Pedro and Guale in the latter part of October and beginning of November of 1597. The other major portion of this assemblage contains a day by day account of an expedition to Guale that the governor led.
#30 APALACHEE 1700S COLLECTION 80 pp.
This is a miscellaneous collection of documents bearing dates from 1699 to 1707 that are tied together in the sense that they portray the final days of the Apalachee missions from 1699 through the destruction of the missions in 1704. It consist of documents from reel 6 of the Jeannette Thurber Connor Collection that I copied during a trip to the P.K. Yonge Library during 1990 and which I tagged then as to be given a high priority for translation because they dealt with Apalachee during its last days. I translated them early in 1991.
A number of these documents are ones that Mark F. Boyd translated and published in Here They Once Stood or in his 1952 documentary translation piece in The Americas. After comparing the Connor copies with Boyd’s translations, I decided that they merited retranslation because, in the case of some of them, Boyd had not translated the entire document and, in the case of others, because Boyd’s translations in places left something to be desired or were capable of renditions that differed from the one that he chose to give them without noting that another rendition was possible. The majority of these documents focus on the destruction of Apalachee in 1704.
#31 JUAN PONCE DE LEÓN IN FLORIDA FROM ANTONIO DE HERRERA 15 pp.
The only major source for Juan Ponce de León’s first visit to Florida in 1513 is a secondary one, the General History of the Deeds of the Castilians on the Islands and Mainland of the Ocean Sea, published early in the seventeenth century by the royal chronicler for the Indies, Antonio de Herrera y Tordesillas. In view of the detail which he provides on latitude readings and the like, he obviously had access to records kept by Ponce de León and reports such as explorers were required to submit, which have since disappeared. Without those records there is no way of knowing how much of the information recorded by Ponce was filtered out by Herrera in composing the account. The passage that I transcribed begins with Ponce de León’s departure from the Island of Guanihani, Columbus’s first landfall in the New World.
#32 FRAY FRANCISCO PAREJA, Timucua Grammar (Excerpts) 35 pp.
Translated excerpt of Pareja’s 1614 Timucua Grammar manuscript. Note: Translation of Fray Pareja’s text terminated at the bottom of page 39 of the text reproduced by Adam and Vinson.
#33 SPYING IN APALACHICOLI (May 19, 1686) 11 pp.
The following letter is a typed transcript that I found in reel 2 of the Jeannette Thurber Connor Collection on a 1987 trip to the P. K. Yonge Library to look for material for the Fray Paiva article. Letter of the Lieutenant of Apalachee to the Governor and Captain General of Florida about the two expeditions that the said Lieutenant made to the provinces of Apalachicoli.
#34 GONZALO MÉNDEZ DE CANZO TO VALDES (1602) 28 pp.
Letter of Don Gonzalo Méndez de Canço, Governor of Florida, to His Majesty, giving an account of various matters pertaining to that province. In one of the paragraphs he give his opinion about whether it is appropriate or not to dismantle that presidio.
#35 1701 VISITATION OF GUALE AND MOCAMA 12 pp.
Secretariat of New Spain – Audiencia of Santo Domingo – Province of Florida. Letters and dispatches of the governor of that province. Years 1701 to 1767. Second dispatch concerns the residencia taken by don Francisco de Córcoles y Martínez, governor of that province, from don José de Zúñiga y la Cerda, his predecessor. Years of 1703 to 1710.
#36 CLOAK AND DAGGER IN APALACHICOLE PROVINCE IN EARLY 1686 19 pp.
Stories of espionage awake a certain interest by their very nature. The ones presented here provide the bonus of valuable insights into life in Apalachee and along the Chattahoochee River in 1685-1686 in the wake of the arrival of the first Englishmen in the settlements on that river. It was a turning point in the history of the peoples of those two regions. The spies were Yamasee whom Apalachee’s deputy-governor left behind when he ended his second invasion of the Chattahoochee River towns early in 1686. Reports of the presence in the towns of British traders from the recently founded outpost of Charles Town were responsible for the two sorties. The three documents presented here are part of a corpus of documents generated by Spanish Florida’s authorities’ efforts to thwart the spread of British influence among ancestors of today’s Mikasuki and Seminoles living along the Chattahoochee River in the 1680s.
#37 PÁNFILO DE NARVÁEZ IN FLORIDA 47 pp.
There are two distinct accounts and a fragment of a possible third account of the Pánfilo de Narváez expedition’s experiences in Florida. Best known of these accounts is one written by Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca, one of four survivors of the expedition who made their way to Spanish territory in Mexico after eight years of wandering across the North American continent. The second account was written jointly by Cabeza de Vaca and two of the other survivors of the expedition. Fanny Bandelier suggested the possibility of a third account. She noted that while Cabeza de Vaca and two others of the survivors were in Mexico City shortly after their return to Spanish territory, Viceroy Antonio de Mendoza noted in a letter to the crown that “the wanderers had already made a report to him on their journey, which report he had sent to the Empress previously” (Bandelier 1922:viii). That report, of course, could well be identical with the second account, which was a letter the three survivors addressed to the audiencia of Santo Domingo.
#39 FORT AT ST. MARKS (1677-1689) 36 pp.
The first of the documents antedates the rest and is the earliest one that I recall encountering in which the need for fortifying Apalachee’s port is discussed. The second of these documents, written in 1678 by Governor Pablo de Hita Salazar, is of special importance. He is the man responsible for the building of the first crude fortification to protect Apalachee’s port. The document contains his detailed instructions for the building of that structure, specifying the length of the logs, the manner in which they were to be fastened together, and many other details, including the structures that were to be enclosed by the fortification. The third piece here is a retrospective one written by the governor who built the first fort and penned after he had stepped down from the governorship. Its most valuable contribution is its detailing of the trade goods used to pay the Indians who performed the work associated with the building of it. The fourth piece here presents notes made at the Council of the Indies and a Junta of War of the Council on the fort built by Hita Salazar, the fort’s destruction by European invaders under Hita Salazar’s successor, Juan Márquez Cabrera, and reports by Cabrera that he was building a fort to replace it. The fifth piece is a letter to the King that Governor Juan Márquez Cabrera wrote on July 16, 1682. In the portion translated here he tells of various hostilities that Spanish Florida and its heathen natives have suffered since February of that year from French and English corsairs. The sixth piece is another of Governor Márquez Cabrera’s letters to the King, this one dated October 7, 1682. In reply to the King’s request for information on Hita Salazar’s fort at St. Marks, he gives a very summary description of it, noting that it had been burned, and that he presumed that the engineer, Juan de Siscara, had sent the King a description, as Siscara, who was based in Cuba, had returned to his home there on a ship sailing for Havana from Apalachee.
#40 TRANSLATIONS FROM THE LOWERY COLLECTION (1612-1657) 55 pp.
This series of translations and notes from this reel of the Lowery Collection microfilm continues the survey of the material that began with the Tama series and continued with the lengthier Jacan series. It begins with the material that follows the Report by Francisco Fernandez de Ecija for his 1609 voyage in search of the Jamestown settlement, which I presented, with its associated documents, in the Jacan series.
#41 HISTORICAL & PALEOGRAPHIC RESEARCH & ARCHAEOLOGY 11 pp.
#43 PROBLEMS OF THE SOURCES FOR UTINA 12 pp.
Recent discovery and exploration of the site of the Martin Site, Hernando de Soto’s winter camp in Apalachee, created a need for translations of the accounts of the de Soto expedition’s experiences in Apalachee tailored to the needs of archaeologists and as free as possible of outright errors. From a few comparisons of the existing standard translations of certain passages with their Spanish and Portuguese texts, I had been aware for some time that those standard translations left something to be desired on occasion in the way of precise and faithful rendition in matters of vital interest to archaeologists and anthropologists, such as the distances between two neighboring villages, the appearance or features of a village, the nature of a tool used by the Indians. For whatever reason none of the editors or publishers of successive editions of some of those translations have moved to correct obvious errors in matters of importance which over the years have caught the eye of scholars who occasionally took the care to look at the original passage as written by its author in his own language or to compare the most popular modern translations with earlier ones.
#44 ORIGINAL LOCATION OF ST. AUGUSTINE & PLANS TO MOVE IT TO SAN SEBASTIAN 5 pp.
The following are excerpts from a letter to the King by Alonso de las Alas on January 12, 1600. Alas states that Pedro Menéndez de Avilés initially established the settlement of St. Augustine on the island that was in front of the St. Augustine of Alas’ day, that is, on Anastasia Island, and that that site was abandoned because the sea had eaten away a great part of the island where the fort and the village were located. Alas also stated that when Menéndez left for Spain for the last time, it was his intention to move St. Augustine to the site later occupied by the Indian village and mission of San Sebastian, which Alas maintained was superior to the site occupied by St. Augustine in 1600.
#45 ASILE HACIENDA 177 pp.
Although the Asile Farm was relatively short-lived, it appears to be the best documented seventeenth-century Spanish Florida agricultural operation. It was the creation of Governor Benito Ruíz de Salazar Vallesilla, who assumed the governorship on April 10, 1645 (Ponce de León and Zigarroa 1650). It was located in extreme western Timucua in the province of Yustaga on lands bordering on eastern Apalachee Province and in some instances apparently intruding into Apalachee territory. Within a few days of the new governor’s installation, he visited that western portion of the territory under his jurisdiction and made the first arrangements with Asile’s chief for use of the lands that would become identified with the Asile Farm. Five years after the governor’s visit, Florida’s two treasury officials recorded that the new governor “on seeing that the land is a very fertile one, appropriate for the raising of livestock and for plantings of wheat, bought a frigate and in it he sent to la Abana for some cows and mares. And even though almost half died during the voyage, he founded a ranch on which he has more than one hundred head of cattle at present and some quantity of mares, which is a very great beginning for what [is promised] in the future. And if he had not been deposed from the governorship for the time of almost two years and, but for his having lost the said frigate as it was coming from la Havana loaded with horses, the said hacienda would be very advanced” (Ponce de León and Zigarroa 1650). They went on to report that the governor was steadily increasing his planting of wheat there and that in mid-1650, “he is arranging to build a mill, which is the only thing that is lacKing. And, likewise he is seeking to bring a greater quantity of cattle.” They felt that within a few years the governor’s hacienda would meet Florida’s Spanish community’s need for bread and meat, which at that time were being supplied by New Spain and Cuba.
#46 THE PABLO DE HITA SALAZAR GOVERNORSHIP 1675-1680 28 pp.
Hita Salazar’s governorship saw the beginning of the establishment of the civilian Spanish component of the population at San Luis and of Spanish haciendas in the province of Apalachee. The documentation assembled here consists of a miscellaneous collection of minor pieces and include such items as Pablo de Hita Salazar’s service record; a partial inventory of his possessions and evaluation of the same made after he had stepped down from the governorship; and data selected from the residencia he underwent, establishing the time he assumed and left office, deputy governors whom he appointed and their time of service, leaves given to various soldiers, goods that were imported under his name during his term and the ships on which they arrived. The time of Jacinto Roque Perez’s coming to Apalachee (1679) is documented and his serving as a ship captain in 1677. Juan de Salinas’s coming to Apalachee to live also is documented. Diego de Florencia was owner and captain of the ship that brought Márquez Cabrera to Apalachee on the way to his formal installation as governor in St. Augustine.
#47 THE EPIDEMIC OF 1703 AT SAN LUIS 15 pp.
The following pages contain a translation of a 1703 document mentioning an unidentified epidemic at San Luis that killed 160 people early in 1703 and that then spread from San Luis to the rest of the province. The extracts also contain information on the building of the fort complex at Pansacola; the harvesting of trees for masts there; a settlement at the Bay of San Bernardo; Pansacola’s reliance on Apalachee for fowl and eggs; the sending of substantial quantities of cattle on the hoof from Apalachee to Pansacola; establishment of a hospital at Pansacola; beads and other supplies to be sent for trade with or pay to the Indian workers; the provisioning of Pansacola; and the appearance of other illnesses such as scurvy and another one that possibly was beriberi, attributed to a too heavy reliance on salt meat in the soldier’s diet.
#48 APALACHEE AND TIMUCUA CHIEFS’ LETTERS TO THE KING IN THEIR OWN LANGUAGES 58 pp.
Among the documents that I copied during my research in Gainesville in mid-July of 1996 were three letters written by Governor Diego de Quiroga y Losada on April 1, 1688 in the wake of his visitation of the provinces of Apalachee and Timucua a little earlier that year. The first of the three letters was one that I was already familiar with from sources other than the one in which I encountered it in July 1996. That first letter from that date in the residencia record was the cover letter that the governor wrote to the King to forward two other letters addressed to the King, written by the caciques of Apalachee and western Timucua at the behest of the governor. On finding this other copy of the cover letter, I was interested in comparing it with the Stetson Collection’s photostat of the letter that I copied by hand in 1976, when I first examined the letter. When I compared the documents reproduced in the Stetson photostats in 1976 with the copies of this document and its enclosures that BucKingham Smith published in the nineteenth century, I noted that there were differences in spelling between his copy and the one in the Stetson Collection. The differences exhibited by Smith’s copy were quite numerous and followed a pattern that seems to rule out their being attributed to errors on the part of the transcriber of the Smith version. A cursory comparison of my 1996 photocopy with my transcription made in 1976 from the Stetson photostat suggests that both copies represent the same source.
#49 CHURCH CEREMONIES 28 pp.
Even though the work among Florida’s Indians in the seventeenth century was entrusted exclusively to the Spanish Franciscans, much of what this article has to say probably has application for the Church’s ceremonies and practices that were followed by the friars in their approach to the indoctrination of the Apalachee and other Florida Indian groups. An important point to keep in mind relative to this topic is that by the beginning of the last quarter of the seventeenth century a considerable number of Florida’s Franciscans were Florida-born friars.
#50 HACIENDA LA CHUA 8 pp.
The first excerpt that I found in the Jeannette Thurber Connor Collection provides information on the La Chua Hacienda and the attack on it in 1682 by enemy-pirates who had landed on the Gulf coast and moved inland by river to the vicinity of the hacienda. The documents are from the residencia for Governor Juan Márquez Cabrera (1680-1687). The second excerpt is from Joachín de Florencia’s visitation of the hacienda during his 1694-1695 visitation of the provinces of Apalachee and Timucua.
#51 EARLY SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE COINS 12 pp.
The following are two short pieces that I was asked to translate back in 1987 when Spanish and Portuguese coins of small denominations began to show up in the excavations at the Martin site. The first article is one on “The Four Maravedi Piece” from H. F. Burzio’s Diccionario de la Moneda Hispanoamericana. The second one is a short piece in Portuguese on the Portuguese escutcheon.
#52 DIVERSION OF SOLDIERS’ SALARIES AND APALACHICOLI MISSIONS 4 pp.
They bring it to the King’s attention that Márquez Cabrera has assigned more than 8,000 pesos in fines that he imposed on Hita Salazar to meet the government’s various current expenditures but that the fines are guaranteed by warrants for soldiers unpaid back salaries. The only present solution is to take the needed money from the current situado destined for soldier’s salaries, an obvious injustice to the soldiers. They noted that current soldiers’ salary funds have already been tapped to pay for the Apalachicoli mission effort because the money the crown grants for that purpose has not been paid by Mexico’s coffer for more than six years. They note that much of Hita Salazar’s more valuable property that the governor seized had been sold to pay the notary’s fees for the inventory of Hita Salazar’s possessions. They ask the King for a prompt decision on this problem.
#53 CHISCA-CHICHIMECO—1675 2 pp.
In the city of St. Augustine, province of Florida, May of the year 1675, the señor sergeant-major Don Pablo de Yta Salazar … stated that it has come to his honor’s attention that an Indian of the Chisca nation, after having arrived at the settlement of Englishmen called St. George [Charles Town] planted seventy leagues to the north of this presidio, has spread the word and report that the said Englishmen are united and leagued with another nation of bandit Indians whom they call Chichimecos so that these may make war and trouble for the converted natives who have surrendered themselves to the Catholic religion and to obedience to his majesty, by entering into the provinces of this jurisdiction to do them every harm and injury, induced to do so by the said Englishmen.
#54 GUALE AND APALACHEE 1681 8 pp.
This collection consists of four brief, disparate, and distinct pieces that date from the year 1681. The first of the four was addressed to Apalachee’s lieutenant and the other three treat of matters in Guale, but the first of the Guale pieces apparently was an enclosure in the Apalachee letter. The other two pieces are ones dealing with the loss of Santa Catalina that I excerpted from Governor Márquez Cabrera’s residencia for his predecessor.
#55 CENSUS OF JUNE 1683 5 pp.
This census of the Guale and Mocama missions from Zapala down to San Juan del Puerto is particularly important because it is much more than a simple census of the adult male population at each of the missions. It identifies the friar at each mission, the number of bells each mission had or had lost, gives the distance between missions, in some cases both by water and by land, and the number of bars to be crossed. It further establishes the validity of John Worth’s thesis on the location of the Guadalquini mission, indicating that one could go by land from Asaho to Guadalquini. It provides the location of the island of Sarabay. It also records the sites to which Governor Márques Cabrera had decided the Guale and Mocama missions should be moved to when they withdrew from the Georgia coast and indicates that the Yamasee had already abandoned their villages on Amelia Island before that time. The Indians objected to moving to a site on the San Pablo River as having lands unsuited for agriculture and as being too close to a ranch, and as lacKing good landing sites.
#56 GUALE WITHDRAWAL 1684 7 pp.
Juan Márques Cabrera, Auto, St. Augustine, August 21, 1684. Enclosure in a letter from the governor to the King of August 26, 1684.
#58 MISCELLANEOUS DOCUMENTS FROM THE 1680s 37 pp.
- Chiefs making land grants and imposing tribute; 2. The notary’s recording of Juan Márquez Cabrera’s assumption of the governorship; 3. Letter to the governor by Guale leader at Sapala, Don Joseph de la Cruz Tunaque, May 5, 1681 complaining that fray Juan de Uzeda requires his daughter to work in the convent like a commoner and about a debt a soldier owes to him; 4. Census of Guale and Mocama, June 7, 1683; 5. Juan Márquez Cabrera to King, June 28, 1683. It goes with the above census piece and tells of his relocation of the Indians from Guale and Mocama to Amelia Island and other points south of it; 6. Auto by Gov. Juan Márquez Cabrera, August 26, 1684. Tells of the natives’ withdrawal southward from Guale and Mocama, mentioning some leaders by name and characterizing some as “leaders of bands and the supporting opinions of several officers and statement by the native leaders, identified by name and village.
#59 SUPPLIES SENT TO FLORIDA 1607 33 pp.
The translation includes two distinct listings of the supplies and goods imported to Florida in 1607. I have added a glossary defining the specialized terms for which I was able to find a meaning. It includes terms for which I have not yet found a meaning.
#60 ARCHITECTURAL DETAILS SERIES 41 pp.
- Roofs; 2. Building of the fort at St. Marks; 3. Description of the Chisca fort on the Choctawhatchee River destroyed by Apalachee expedition in 1677; 4. Fort at St. Marks in Apalachee; 5. Excerpts from fray Andrés de San Miguel’s Relación describing houses and council houses of Guale villages on the Altamaha River, the Mocama council house at San Pedro on Cumberland Island, and Spanish houses in St. Augustine in 1595; 6. Brief excerpts from miscellaneous sources: Rodrigo Ranjel’s mention of a council house at Uriutina, Jean Ribaut’s description of one at the mouth of the St. Marys River, Fray Francisco Alonso de Jesús’s more detailed description of the council house and other architectural features in his 1630 Memorial, Bishop Gabriel Díaz Vara Calderón’s 1675 description of a typical Florida council house; 7. Demolition of the Apalachicola Fort–Architectural Features.
#61 EVIDENCE PERTINENT TO THE FLORIDA CABILDO CONTROVERSY AND MISDATING OF THE JUAN MÁRQUEZ CABRERA GOVERNORSHIP (TWO VERSIONS) 17 pp.
Did Spanish Florida possess the traditional municipal institution known as the cabildo down to 1764? Since the 1964 publication of John Jay TePaske’s The Governorship of Spanish Florida, 1700-1763, the more common opinion among authorities on Colonial Florida is that St. Augustine possessed the cabildo only from the time of Pedro Menéndez de Avilés’s founding of the city in 1565 until about 1570 when most of the initial migrants linked to him left the colony.
#62 DISPOSITION OF THE ESTATE OF CAPTAIN FRANCISCO DE LA RUA DECEASED IN ST. AUGUSTINE IN 1649 73 pp.
Few examples of wills and inventories of the possessions of the seventeenth-century Spanish inhabitants of Florida have become available to shed light on the social history and living styles of the era. Such local and family records either have not survived or have lain hidden in Cuban archives. One rare exception is the will of a Spanish military officer who died in St. Augustine in 1649 and the multiple inventories and records of the auctions of his possessions that followed his death. He was Captain Francisco de la Rua, married and childless, whose wife had remained in Cuba during the time that Rua served in Florida. The record is a voluminous one because the process unfolded over a five-year span under three different Florida governors and involved two distinct executors for the estate, and, most importantly because the will and the initial disposition of Rua’s estate were contested by his wife. The record of those transactions has survived because a fourth governor, Diego de Rebolledo, chose to include them in the record of the residencias he conducted for the three governors under whom the events transpired.
#63 FRIARS OF THE PROVINCE OF SANTA ELENA OF FLORIDA 77 pp.
This collection contains a number of relatively brief documents pertaining to the friars. The collection’s major focus is the listing of the friars who came in the various mission bands that I have found to date that have not been presented elsewhere already among the computerized documents. It also contains some listings of the friars who were in the Florida province at certain dates as well as a listing of the friars who had been provincials in Florida over about a forty-year period down to 1673 and what appears to be a partial listing of participants in a provincial chapter meeting in 1676. There are several documents attached to this collection that discuss friars’ supplies and finances and friars’ training and service. One is a digest of the data on the friars and the Florida missions that appear in item no. 40 (Lowery Collection Translations (1612-1657) of the computerized pieces. I have placed the initial pieces in this present collection in a roughly chronological order based on each piece’s earliest document or data mentioned.
#64 SUPPLIES 12 pp.
I have brought together the three diverse documents presented here because they treat of the common theme of supplies and complaints associated with those supplies. The first two were written by treasury officials at St. Augustine in 1680 and 1672. The third one, which is undated, appears to have been written in the 1630s based on internal evidence. Its author was the Franciscan custodio, fray Juan Gomez de Palma.
#65 THE SERVICE RECORD OF DOMINGO DE LETURIONDO 9 pp.
Document provided by Jane Landers in the wake of her trip to Spain in the 1990s. The document reviews his 32 years of service beginning in Seville on December 13, 1645 extending as far as March 10, 1678. It includes service as deputy-governor of Apalachee under Governor Cendoya who also sent him to Spain early in 1672 and who dispatched him later that year as visitor to Timucua and Apalachee. Governor Hita Salazar sent him to Apalachee at the head of soldiers in February 1676 to assist Apalachee’s lieutenant against the Chisca. He went to Machava in March 1677 to settle discords there and to assume the deputy-governorship there while he investigated the matter. In November 1677 the governor appointed him to conduct a visitation of Timucua and Apalachee.
#66 THE SAVACOLA FORT 40 pp.
In 1635, as a prelude to the Florida Spaniards’ establishment of a permanent presence in mid-western Florida’s Apalachee Province, Spaniards ended the hostility that existed between the Apalachee and the Apalachicola of the Chattahoochee Valley in the vicinity of Columbus, Georgia (Hoffman 2002:162). One of the intriguing questions that development raises is the possibility of an earlier tie between all or some of the Apalachicola and the Apalachee. The similarity of the two peoples’ names by itself suggests the possibility of an earlier blood relationship as does the duplication of individual village names within the two provinces. “Cola” appears to have been a mere suffix that the Apalachicola shared with other peoples such as the Savacola and the Pansacola.
#67 CRIME AND PUNISHMENT IN LA FLORIDA IN THE 1680s 19 pp.
The pieces presented here furnish what appears to be a relatively complete review of the cases handled by Governor Juan Márquez Cabrera during his term as governor. Most were issued directly by him but some were forwarded to him by his lieutenants in Apalachee and Timucua Provinces. They cover a fairly wide range of topics involving “crimes” of varying degrees of seriousness. They run the gamut from an argument between families, verbal abuse, and slander to wanton injury to animals, quarrels that led to wounds, individuals accused of homosexual acts and a case of pederasty involving an Apalachee man and a boy, to a number of murders, some of which involved Apalachee who were killed by black slaves while worKing in or near St. Augustine. One case involved an attempt at flight to Charles Town by three black slaves and a forced labor chino. One case involved a Guale lieutenant’s negligent loss of an English vessel that had surrendered to him and another a pilot for the loss of a ship. The closing cases involved a number of soldiers. The most interesting perhaps was the case of slander in that it reveals the existence of what appears to have been a stone whipping post in the plaza at Patale. Its existence suggests that this feature may have been a standard one at other missions as well to which haciendas were attached that had slaves and particularly in San Luis’s plaza as the seat of authority.
#69 PETITION ON BEHALF OF JUAN BAUPTISTA DE LA CRUZ 4 pp.
Troubles with the Chisca and Chacato and mention of a rebellion in Apalachee.
#70 MISTREATMENT OF THE INDIANS, early 1680s 29 pp.
The third, fourth and fifth piece were letters to the King written by Governor Juan Márquez Cabrera early in the second year of his governorship. The third piece deals with the abandonment of the mission effort among the Apalachicoli launched by that governor and his relations with the Apalachicoli in the wake of that event. The fourth piece concerns the governor’s belief that Florida’s Indians needed the services of a “protector” and his appointment of Domingo de Leturiondo to the position of official protector of the Indians. The fifth piece is a duplicate of the fourth except that it is dated two days later than the fourth piece.
#71 CRIMINAL CASE AGAINST CALESA (1678) 45 pp.
The above title appears on the cover page for the record of an inquiry into a number of murders committed by a heathen Acuera Indian from the village of Alisa. The inquiry was held during the latter half of the 1670s during the governorship of Pablo de Hita Salazar. A more descriptive title for the contents would be: “Heathen Acuera, Murder, and a Potano Cimarrona: the St. Johns River and the Alachua Prairie in the 1670s.” That is the title that I gave to a condensed version of the record that the Florida Historical Quarterly published in its Notes and Documents section of the April 1992 issue. The inquiry also involved a Potano cimarrona accused as being an accessory of Calesa with whom she traveled for a time.
#72 CHIEFS MAKING LAND GRANTS AND IMPOSING TRIBUTE (1680) 3 pp.
Letters and Dispatches of Royal Officials of Florida seen in the Council, years 1560 to 1684.
#73 MISCELLANEOUS TRANSLATIONS (1574-1716) 78 pp.
- Alonso de Caceres to Ovando, December 12, 1574; 2. Guale Tribute 1600; 3. Prohibition on Enslavement of Indians in Florida 1600; 4. Tocobaga, Ensenada de Carlos, and European Ships on the Gulf 1604; 5. Apalachee, Carlos, Pooy, and de Soto’s Landing Place; 6. Trouble among the Friars and the Oré Visitation 1616; 7. Friars in the 1620s and Friars Lists for 1626 and 1631; 8. Abuses of Power by Governor Diego de Rebolledo; 9. Domingo de Leturiondo Appointed Lieutenant in Apalachee 1672; 10. Expansion of Native Work Force in St. Augustine 1673 and Need for Friar-chaplains to serve them; 11. New Friars and Church Ornaments 1673; 12. Juan Márquez Cabrera to King, February 8, 1684; 13. Spanish Government’s Protest to England of British-allied Indians’ Enslavement of Christian and other Indians—Guale, Yamasee, Apalachicole; 14. Supplies for the Blacksmithery, Pensacola 1702; 15. Danger from the Apalachecolo, late 1702; 16. Diego Peña, 1716 Visit to Apalachee.
#74 AN EARLY FLORIDA ADVENTURE STORY: THE FRAY ANDRÉS DE SAN MIGUEL ACCOUNT (San Luis version) 87 pp.
During the heyday of Spain’s establishment of its control over the major portion of the New World, numberless individuals’ lives were influenced dramatically by their early experiences with the realities of this “wondrous New World.” Unfortunately, far too few of those seekers of their fortunes have left us any account of their most memorable experiences or reflections on what they observed and experienced in that tumultuous enterprise. A notable exception is a relatively brief account from the year 1595 penned by a young Spaniard shipwrecked off the Spanish Florida coast of what is now the state of Georgia. That experience drastically altered the course of his life. At the height of the storm when it appeared that he and all his shipmates were lost, he made a vow that, if he survived, he would devote his life to the service of God.
#77 LECTURE NOTES FOR CHARLES HUDSON’S SUMMER INSTITUTE 63 pp.
The following pages were notes that I prepared for lectures at a summer institute entitled “Spanish Explorers and Indian Chiefdoms,” for college teachers that was held at the University of Georgia during a five-week period in the summer of 1989.
#79 GUALE-SAPALA 1681 (Complaints about Friars) 10 pp.
Complaint by a leader from Sapala against the mission’s friar that the friar insists that the leader’s daughter work in the convent and reports a debt owed to him by a Spaniard.
#81 FLORIDA’S FRIARS AND MISSIONS IN THE 1730s 60 pp.
The central focus of most of the pieces I have brought together in this collection of translated documents is the state of the mission villages and their inhabitants in the 1730s, dissension between Spanish friars and Criollo friars, and dissatisfaction with the governorship of Francisco Moral Sánchez, whose rule embraced the years 1734-1737. Moral Sánchez appears to have been an opponent of the discontented Spanish-born friars. Another player was Cuba’s auxiliary bishop, fray Francisco de Buenaventura, who resided in Florida during these years and conducted a visitation of the missions. He appears to have supported much of the criticism voiced by the Spanish-born friars, but refrained from taKing effective action to avoid possibly worsening the discord and, probably, to avoid a confrontation with Governor Moral Sánchez.
#83 PROPOSAL OF ADEQUATE TRADE FACILITIES AS SOLUTION FOR UCHIZE HOSTILITY (1743) 4 pp.
Mention of Apalachee, Yamasee, Royal Company of Havana, trade goods needed, 4 Spanish Indian villages left, 14 Uchise villages. Governor Manuel de Montiano to King, St. Augustine, March 15, 1743.
#84 CHURCH FURNISHINGS RETURNED FROM CUBA IN 1787 20 pp.
The documents that follow are a translation of the 1787 documents which contain that inventory and discuss the provision of funds for building a new parish church in St. Augustine and the emolument that was to be received by the parish’s new pastor and his assistant, Fathers Hassett and O’Reilly.
#85 FLORIDA’S PERILOUS STATE IN MID—1706. F. DE FLORENCIA AND JUAN DE PUEYO TO KING, AUG. 13, 1706 5 pp.
Florida’s two treasury officials, Francisco de Florencia and Juan de Pueyo, present a detailed report to the Crown about Florida’s perilous state in the wake of the destruction of all of the missions beyond St. Augustine and the constant raids by enemy Indians allied to the English that prevent the few mission Indian survivors living just outside St. Augustine from planting any fields. They reveal also that these enemy attacks had already had a severe impact among the Indians of south Florida as well.
#86 REEMERGENCE OF ANACAPE AND MAYACA MISSIONS, 1679 ON and INITIATION OF JORORO MISSIONS 21 pp.
Juan Marques Cabrera to the King, October 7, 1682 and seventeen enclosures generated by forced abandonment of the Apalachicoli mission, reestablishment of missions at Anacape and Mayaca, and complaint of a native “governor” at Nombre de Dios.
#87 TORRES Y AYALA’S REPORT ON REVOLT IN MAYACA-JORORO MISSIONS, February 3, 1697 13 pp.
General Archive of the Indies, Seville, Spain. Audiencia of Santo Domingo. Simancas. Secular. Letters and dispatches from the Governors of Florida, seen in the Council from the year of 1691 to 1700.
#88 FRAY JUAN DE PAIVA’S BALL-GAME MANUSCRIPT: TRANSCRIPTION OF THE ORIGINAL SPANISH TEXT 23 pp.
This transcription of Paiva’s Spanish text was made from a photocopy of the copy of the document that Domingo de Leturiondo inserted in his 1677-1678 Visitation of the Provinces of Apalache and Thimuqua.
#93 THE ENRIQUE DE RIVERA ROAD-BUILDING PROJECT 1688 4 pp.
Diego de Quiroga y Losada to the King, St. Augustine, April 1, 1688. Informing him of the failure of Captain Enrique de Rivera to open a road to Timucua and Apalache.
#94 DOCUMENTS BY OR LINKED TO GOVERNOR JUAN MÁRQUEZ CABRERA (December 8, 1680). CERTIFICATIONS of his appointment to and assumption of office (pp. 1-14) and ABANDONMENT OF SANTA CATHALINA DE GUALE AFTER CHUCHUMECO ATTACK (pp. 15-17) 17 pp.
From residencias for the governorship of Juan Márquez Cabrera and from the residencia Márquez Cabrera held for his predecessor, Pablo de Hita Salazar.
#95 COFRADIAS IN FLORIDA, Janaury 1682 2 pp.
Juan Marquez Cabrera to the King, St. Augustine, January 30, 1682.
#96 MÁRQUEZ CABRERA, May 30, 1684 5 pp.
On Joseph de Prado as proprietary treasurer since 1654.
#99 1697 LISTING OF THE MISSIONS AND ITS ORIGIN. 8 pp.
1697 listing of the missions and their friars and the circumstances that gave rise to it.
#100 ANTONIO DE BENAVIDES TO King, AUGUST 3, 1719 4 pp.
On action against illegal traders and rancor it gave rise to.
#100 GOVERNOR JUAN MARQUES CABRERA TO THE King, March 20, 1686 17 pp.
The heading “Uriza” that I have given to this document is taken from the name of a friar whose name recurs in it a number of times. The governor referred to him pejoratively as a “modern friar.” But none of the passages that I copied reveal what qualities or characteristics led the governor to attach that epithet to his name, except possibly the friar’s having been born in Florida. The friar was named Manuel de Uriza and was 24 years old. In the opening pages, the brief snippets that I was able to decipher do not tell us much. Their principal value at present is that of a guide to passages. Ensuing pages throw light on the Indians’ agricultural practices, some Chacato’s migration to Tawasa territory, the number of fiscals at each mission, and extramarital affairs among the mission Indians.
#101 APALACHEE, CARLOS, POOY & DE SOTO LANDING PLACE 7 pp.
Juan Fernandez de Olivera, Oct. 13, 1612. Mentioned in this document is the Spanish Florida natives’ lack of contact with Virginia, the value of the Bay of Whales, friars in Apalachee, arrival of 21 friars, existence of only 150 serviceable soldiers, the ensenada of Carlos, Spanish punishment of Pooy and Tocobaga, Juan Rodríguez de Cortaya’s trip to Tampa Bay, Tampa River, Indians subject to Carlos, chaguales of gold, Bay of Pooy as de Soto’s landing place, St. Augustine’s fort’s need of repairs.
#102 Pedro de Ybarra, ACHIEVEMENTS OF GOV. GONZALO MENDEZ DE CANZO 1603 3 pp.
Extract from the inquiry that was opened about the services rendered in Florida by the Governor Gonzalo Méndez de Canço.
#103 FLORIDA FRIARS’ ILLEGAL JUNKETS TO CUBA FOR CHAPTER MEETINGS IN VIOLATION OF ROYAL ORDERS 9 pp.
Antonio de Benavides to the King, Florida, November 15, 1719. July 14, 1720 and Report from the Council of the Indies, June 25, 1720 on these junkets. (5 pp. incomplete)
#104 SPANISH CONTACT WITH NEIGHBORING INDIANS 1717-1718 49 pp.
Antonio de Benavides, Governor, to King, September 28, 1718; 2. Auto on Diego Peña’s trip to Apalachecola and on his diary, October 11, 1717; 3. Gov. Juan de Ayala Escovar, order for Lieut. Diego Peña, July 20, 1717; 4. Diego Peña, Diary of the trip that he made to Apalachicola, Sabacola, September 20, 1717; 5. Diego Peña to the Governor, Santa Fee, October 8, 1717; 6. Diego Peña to Gov. Juan de Ayala y Escobar, Picolata, October 13, 1717; 7. Diego Peña, Diary; 8. Don Gregorio de Salinas to Don Juan de Ayala, Santa María de Galves, July 24, 1717; 9. Gregorio de Salinas Barona to Ayala y Escovar, Santa María de Galves, September 9, 1717; 10. Certification by Ensign Juan Solana, notary, of the entrance the caciques made on October 16, 1717; 11. Council on 16 of December of 1719; 12.
#110 MYSTERY MISSIONS AMONG THE APALACHICOLI, EARLY 1670s 29 pp.
Spanish sources from the early 1670s speak cryptically about a migration of new natives into the Apalachicoli country along the Chattahoochee River in connection with a request for a large contingent of new friars. Although the migrants had come from afar, more than 100 leagues distant from the westernmost missions, those of Apalachee, they were alluded to as though they were part of the Apalachicoli people. But the sources gave no indication as to the direction from which the migrants had come. The Tama-Yamasee seem to be the most likely candidates as many of them had been driven from one of their traditional homelands in central Georgia by raids of the firearm-bearing and fierce Westo and as the Tama-Yamasee were closely related linguistically with the Hitchiti-speakers among the Apalachicoli. However, in view of Florida Spaniards’ familiarity with Tama and Yamasee since the era of Hernando de Soto, it is strange that these documents from the early 1670s do not identify these migrating peoples except for those who settled in Apalachee, some of whom were Tama-Yamasee.
#111 ABUSES OF ACTING GOVERNOR JUAN DE AYALA AND TREASURER JOSEPH PEDROSA AND ABOUT THE FRENCH AT ST. JOSEPH BAY 6 pp.
The Governor of Florida gives an account to Y.M. about having given fulfillment to four dispatches and two letters from fray Alonso San Puajo and Don Vicente Roja in which they explain to Y.M. that various excesses had been committed in this Presidio. And after having established that they were correct, he ordered Don Juan de Ayala and Don Joseph Pedrosa suspended from their employments. And likewise about the new settlement of Apalache. As also about the bay of St. Joseph’s being already occupied by the French. And generally about everything whatsoever that has come to his knowledge that can possibly touch upon or pertain to the Royal Service.
#121 ARMS FROM MOVILA FOR THE YAMASEE 1723 20 pp.
Index to documentation 1723-24 on arms from Movila for Yamasee
- First piece: St. Marks of Apalachee and the Chattahoochee in August 1723 Diego Peña to Gov. Antonio de Benavides, San Marcos de Apalache, August 6, 1723. 6 pages.
- Second piece: The British of Carolina’s Campaign to Exterminate the Yamasee and Other Indians Allied to the Spaniards 1723-1724.
#125 DISSENSION BETWEEN CRIOLLO AND PENINSULAR FRIARS 1720 4 pp.
This dissension and rivalry, which had been simmering for a considerable time, apparently became particularly bitter among the Franciscans of Cuba and Florida at the beginning of 1720 as reflected in the following two pieces. AGI, Seville, Spain. Secretariat of N. P., Secular. Audiencia of Santo Domingo, Province of la Florida. Letters and dispatches from the governors of that province, years of 1721 to 1727.
#126 ENGLISH AND CREEK ATTACK ON ST. AUGUSTINE’S YAMASEE 1725 3 pp.
Francisco Menéndez Márques, Thomás Ferñez de Mora, and many others to the King, Florida, November 14, 1725. General Archive of the Indies, Seville, Spain. Secretariat of New Spain. Secular. Audiencia of Santo Domingo, province of Florida. Letters and dispatches from the governor of that province, years of 1721 to 1727.
#127 ASSIGNMENTS OF THE VARIOUS FRIARS 1747 6 pp.
Sevilla, Mexico 61-3-1 (It does not appear on Hoffman’s conversion table), JTCC, reel 1. Year of 1747. Testimony from the Autos made at the request of the Rev. Frs. Missionaries of the presidio of St. Augustine about the salaries being paid to them that they have earned. It came with a letter of the Viceroy of New Spain of 15 of March of 1748, No. 2. Memoria, Fray Ygnacio Venegas, Missionary Procurator and Provincial Commissary of these regions of Florida certified that the religious who have served in the Convent and Doctrinas of these parts in the past year of 1741 are as follows: in the Convent, the Rev. Fr. fray Juan de Torres, Preacher of the King. Interpreters: the retired fray Joseph de Yta, in the Chiluca idiom, the fr. procurator, fray Manuel de San Antonio, in the Yamás idiom; the Brother fray Manuel de la Torre, Sacristan- supernumerary according to the royal decree, p. 2…. Doctrineros, the Father Procurator fray Antonio Navarro in Tolomato, fray Francisco Gómez in Pocotalaca, fray Juan Callejas in la Punta, Apalache, fray Luis Vecines, dated 16 Oct. 1744 and signed in English, fray Ygnacio Venegas, Provincial Commissary.
#128 ENSLAVED FLORIDA INDIANS IN SOUTH CAROLINA, EARLY 1700s 8 pp.
Colonel James Moore’s 1704 Expedition p. 58 (in the 1704 expedition by Moore) “A large number of Indians were captured in 1704, but a larger number submitted to relocation rather than fight [???]. Moore was disappointed when the Assembly suggested to Governor Johnson that some of the captives be brought to the colony as free Indians and not be subjected to slavery. Had the entire group been sold each participant would have got £ ₤100 [In footnote 16 Snell gives the usual figures of 1300 free and 325 men and 4000 women and children as slaves, using McGrady (p. 393) as his source.] He adds that another account set the figures at 1300 free and 100 slave: Boston News-Letter April 24–May 1, 1704. In the footnote he also says Moore was reluctant to keep his promise of freedom to the relocators, although they were eventually settled along the Savannah to serve as a buffer force.
#129 DUTCH FLEET OF 13 SHIPS AT AIS, PIRATICAL ACTIVITY, NEED FOR FORT BETWEEN AIS AND JEGA 1627 7 pp.
1627 Letter for H. M. from D. Luis de Rojas, Governor of Florida, telling of having despatched a frigate to Ais to guide the ships bringing the situado. Instead the frigate encountered a Dutch enemy fleet of thirteen vessels. That led the frigate’s crew to seek refuge on land. Florida’s governor, on learning of this, mounted a force of three hundred Indians and one hundred and fifty Spaniards to challenge the intruders. But that force, moving overland, turned back on learning that the Dutch fleet had set sail again. To meet future recurrences or such threats, the governor stressed to Madrid the need for a Spanish fort between Ais and Jega, observing that such a fort would also provide refuge for the crews of Spanish ships that were lost on that coast.
#131 LISTING OF NEW FRIARS WHO ARRIVED IN 1646 3 pp.
Report of the 27 Religious who Fray Pedro Moreno Ponce de León, General Commissary Procurator of the Province of Florida, brought on the account of the Royal Treasury for the
conversion of the Indians of the said province.
#132 STARVATION IN FLORIDA FROM LOSS OF SUPPLY SHIP 1643 4 pp.
I translated a brief portion of this document in the latter part of 1986 as part of a series of translations of documents or excerpts from the Lowery Collection extending from the year 1612 to 1657. In copying that document, I omitted copying the first several pages telling about a supply ship from New Spain that was badly damaged on the Florida coast.
#133 MID-CENTURY VISIT BY UCHIZES AND GOVERNOR’S EFFORTS TO GET UCHISE LIVING OUTSIDE ST. AUGUSTINE TO GIVE HIM SEVERAL BOYS TO EDUCATE AS CHRISTIANS 3 pp.
Governor Melchor de Navarrete to King, St. Augustine, November 15, 17? (He governed 1752-1755). General Archive of the Indies, Seville, Spain. Audiencia of Sto. Domingo, Luisiana, and Florida. Official correspondence with the governors. Years from 1717 to 1752.
#136 THE REINING IN OF SOME FRIARS’ FINANCIAL ABUSE OF THEIR INDIANS AND THE REMOVAL OF SOME FRIARS FOR LACK OF ZEAL IN THEIR WORK 11 pp.
Governor Laureano de Torres y Ayala and Treasury Officials to the King, Florida, August 27, 1697
#137 SPANISH INTELLIGENCE ON ENGLISH INCITEMENT OF THEIR INDIANS TO TAKE AS MANY SPANISH SCALPS AS POSSIBLE 6 pp.
As early as 1739 Spanish cattle hunters operating in the Florida hinterland heard reports from friendly Indians that the Carolina English were inciting their Indian allies to frequent the trail to Apalachee in order to kill and scalp as many Spaniards, blacks, or Indians allied to the Spaniards as they were able. They promised a bounty for any such scalps that they brought in. This occurred when the two nations were ostensibly at peace and maintaining diplomatic relations with one another as supposedly civilized peoples, although tensions between them were increasing that would lead to a war, the American phase of which bears the name of the War of Jenkins’ Ear.
#142 FRIARS’ MISTREATMENT OF THE INDIANS, 1697 8 pp.
- The first of these pieces is the Council of the Indies’ summary and comment on its fiscal’s summary of documentation from Florida on the friars’ mistreatment of the Indians and his recommendations to the Council. He gave credence to the charges. The fiscal recommended that the governor be ordered to see to it that the friars do not mistreat the Indians by word or deed and that the bishop of Cuba be instructed to investigate carefully and that if the abuse continues, the friars responsible are to be removed as the law of the new Recopilación provides. The Council accepted his recommendations, stipulating that the friars confine their approach to one of sweetness and kindness.
- The second piece is a letter by fray Antonio de Cardona (presumably the commissary general for the Indies) of September 22, 1697 from the Franciscan convent of St. Francis of Madrid, responding to the Council’s judgment. In a very muddy and mealy mouthed letter, he argued that great care and skepticism should be exercised in accepting the validity of the charges because of the passion with which the accusers spoke of the friars. He argued also that the charges were out of date, some having been made 14 years earlier and the most recent ones five years ago. But, most atrociously, he defended the friars’ need for power to punish the Indians in order to correct their faults and “for the rational and Christian extermination of their brutal dissipations” and to force them to attend the instructions punctually and attentively.
#144 APALACHEE AND ST. AUGUSTINE IN THE MID-1680s 3 pp.
Complaints about Friars’ treatment of Indians.
#147 GOOD RELATIONS WITH THE UCHIZES; NEED FOR SUPPLIES TO REGALE THEM: MISSION TO THE CHICKASAW; VISIT OF CHIQUILE’S NEPHEW 10 pp.
Manuel de Montiano to the King, St. Augustine, March 15, 1748. AGI, Stand No. 86, Box No. 6, Bundle No. 5 (has no modern equivalent on Hoffman’s table). Jeannette Thurber Connor Collection, reel 7. General Archive of the Indies, Seville, Spain. Audiencia of Sto. Domingo. Luisiana and Florida. Official correspondence with the governors. Years of 1717 to 1752. Stand No. 86, Box No. 6, Bundle No. 5. Document No. 81. 11 folios, 11 7/8” x 8 7/14”
#148 PIRATES’ ATTACK ON HACIENDA LA CHUA IN 1682 11 pp.
Petition by Captain Pedro de Aranda y Avellaneda to Governor Juan Márquez Cabrera, St. Augustine, November 11, 1684.
#150 CONTROVERSY OVER THE FRANCISCAN PROVINCIAL’S DESIRE TO DIVERT SOME OF FLORIDA’S FRIARS TO CUBA 17 pp.
Governor Diego de Qurioga y Losada to the Franciscan Provincial, St. Augustine, August 26, 1690 in response to a request from that provincial that he be allowed to divert to Cuba some of the friars recently arrived from Spain. AGI, John Tate Lanning Collection, vol. IV, pp. 27-41.
#152 PERILOUS STATE OF FLORIDA IN 1722; CONTROVERSY BETWEEN GOVERNOR, FRANCISCANS AND SECULAR CLERGY; AUXILIARY BISHOP PROPOSED. San Luis. 13 pp.
Gerónimo, Bishop of Cuba, to the King, Havana, December 22, 1722. General Archive of the Indies, Seville, Spain. Secretariat of New Spain. Audiencia of Santo Domingo. Province of Florida. Despatch about the creation of an auxiliary bishop of Cuba, who would be ordered to reside in Florida. Years of 1661 to 1734. Stand No. 58, Box No. 2, Bundle No. 15. Document No. 52. (Santo Domingo 864 in the modern system). Jeannette Thurber Connor Collection, reel 6. 1 folio, 12 x 8¼52. (Santo Domingo 864 in the modern system). Jeannette Thurber Connor Collection, reel 6. 1 folio, 12 x 8¼.
#158 MANUEL DE MONTIANO to the King, St. Augustine, July 16, 1738 on the status of the missions 4 pp.
AGI, 58-2-16/48 (Santo Domingo 865 in the modern system). The governor of Florida informs Y.M. with testimony about the status and backward state of the missions of those provinces and proposes the means suitable for the missionaries to learn the language of the Indians.
#159 THE CRUSHING OF THE GUALE REVOLT OF 1597 3 pp.
Information Concerning the Death of Don Juanillo, an Indian of Guale and Other Indians, his Vassals.
#162 DOCUMENTATION ON THE MOVING OF THE SITES OF MISSIONS IN GUALE AND MOCAMA TO FACILITATE SPANISH ASSISTANCE TO THEM WHEN THEY CAME UNDER ATTACK BY THE ENGLISH AND BY ENEMY INDIANS 16 pp.
Governor Juan Márquez Cabrera to the King, St. Augustine, 27 pp., March 28, 1685, relative to the Indians of Guale. With two enclosures.
#164 THE GOVERNOR (1719) ON OTHER OFFICIALS’ ABUSE OF POWER 4 pp.
Governor Antonio de Benavides, Florida to H.M., March 4 of 1719. AGI 58-2-4/22. Santo Domingo 854 in the modern system. (Photocopy print from microfilm, presumably. I did not note its source). 4 pp.
Sire In the despatches of August 12th and 15th of the past year of 1718, I have given account to Y.M. of having suspended the sergeant-major Don Juan de Ayala and the Treasurer, Don Joseph Pedrosa from the exercise of their post (plasa) because of having proved (Justificado) and of being certain the excesses they committed in this presidio in the way of trade (comercios) and other abuses much in disservice of Y.M.
#166 CHIEF OF PATALE ACCUSED OF COMPLICITY OF MURDER OF YAMASEE, DENIES ALL, 1675 2 pp.
#175 COLLECTION OF TRIBUTE FROM DOÑA MARÍA, Nombre de Dios 1 pp.
And thus he persuaded Doña María, chieftainness of Nombre de Dios to pay a tribute of one arroba [about 25 pounds] of maize for each married Indian. The latter, by way of accommodating him this year, provided forty-eight arrobas [1200 pounds] which were sold at public auction at four reales per arroba and the proceeds were placed in the coffer with the three keys as goods belonging to Your majesty. And although this benefaction is in benefit of us because of being product (fructos) from which we are to collect our salaries, if she should communicate with us, we are of the opinion (de parecer) that for now such great help (tanta asistencia) should not be made in this case. The governor did it for the cause that doña María and her mother have been the first caciques who received the holy gospel and the most principal ones of these provinces.
#178 APALACHEE, APPARENTLY, ASKING FOR FRIARS AS EARLY AS 1621 1 pp.
- Majesty has 35 religious occupied in these provinces in the conversion of their natives…and thus the [number] of Catholics goes on increasing and now there are aspiring to be such the ones of the provinces of Apalachee, Santa Elena, and la Tama. It is a great number of people and they have requested religious….But all our friars are tied up in the conservation of the ones already converted. We need the thirty more we have already asked for. And even if you send them it will be impossible for them to be able to take care of it (conserbar) because of its being more than eighty leagues from this presidio; if together with them (juntamente) he does not send 30 or 40 men who may support them and settle near these provinces so that they may have protection (abrigo) and a place of safety to withdraw to (retirada). That in being workers (labradores), they will be able to cultivate the land and greatly help this presidio….In St. Augustine, September 1, 1621.
#179 IN THE WAKE OF THE ROBERT SEARLES ATTACK OF MAY 29, 1668 2 pp.
After I have given Your Majesty an account of the invasion that the English enemy made in this Presidio, it has been necessary for me to manifest to Your Majesty that the position of sergeant-major is one of much importance because of its being necessary (fozo-sic) that the management (manexo) of the soldiery should run (corra) by way of his hand and because it is recognized that it is very necessary that Your Majesty maintain in it (la probea) an experienced soldier and one of complete experience and valor because don Nicolas Ponse de León, the one who is serving in it today, is not suitable for such a position because of being a New World-born Spaniard (criollo) from the presidio and related to the greater part of its inhabitants and in himself a man of little spirit. For this reason he is not respected. And he does not have experience with the military art because of not having served Your Majesty in other districts than here and because of being a pusillanimous man and one of no aptitude (disposicion). For he gave a demonstration of it on the night of the enemy’s assault. For he took the greater part of the soldiery with him to the woods. For this reason they sacked the place when its defense was under his charge.
#181 SLOW START OF APALACHEE CONVERSIONS for Lack of Friars, 1651 1 pp.
[The Council of the Indies’ comments on a 1651 Memorial by Po Moreno Ponce].
….That it is notorious and how the number is so great of villages and Indians that there are in the new conversion of Apalachee, where the caciques are continually requesting ministers so that they may go and instruct them. They are not able to respond because of the few religious who are to be found in those provinces and because of many having died with the great plague (peste) that occurred since the last concession [of friars] and because of there being others very old and crippled (impedidos) as a result of the great labor.
#182 SPANISH FORCE DESPATCHED TO APALACHEE 1737 1 pp.
Lieutenant of grenadiers Don Iscarr de Castillo was away from this city at the order of my predecessor, dispatched with only a scant escort of fourteen soldiers to the remote and extensive province of Apalachee, having to make his path by land exposed to the grave dangers that threaten from enemy Indians, of whom, I am informed, all the trails are full.
#184 REPORT ON PROGRESS IN CONVERSIONS 1602 2 pp.
Concerning the conversion of the Indians no one is better able to report than the friars. In addition to what I have seen for the last 15 years that I have served here in company with P.o M. Marques, my first cousin (mi primo hermano), it is that in that time there were Christian Indians in…Nombre de Dios and San Sebastian…. They came to this place for Mass on Sundays and when Fray A. de Reynoso arrived around the end of the year 87 with…friars. They were distributed in the villages that there are from the island of San Pedro [Mocama] down to this presidio and in San Sebastian and more belonging to the Rio Dulce [the St. Johns River] subjects of Cacique P[edr]o Márques. And they had success shortly and especially Fray Baltasar López on the Island of San Pedro [Cumberland island] and the friar who was in San Juan, who brought many leading Indians to the presidio to be baptized in the head church here and among them the Cacique Caçacolo, one of the renowned (de los nombrados) and feared ones of this land and his wife with him and sons that he had up to the present. And on my return from Jacan [Virginia] in 88 at San Pedro I saw a quantity of Christian Indians who heard Mass and the instruction (doctrina) with affection and devotion. And when I returned to Florida in 94 with Avendaño, I learned that friars [were] then working in Guale.
#186 MORTALITY AMONG THE INDIANS, NEED FOR BASES IN THE VICINITY OF CAPE CANAVERAL AND OTHER TOPICS 1591 1 pp.
This past year there was mortality among them the Indians and many died. And it also touched this presidio port (? porte) and caused a lack of food in it as the situado did not come.